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Notes Taken From Landreth's and Colander's Book "History of Economic Thought"

 Notes Taken From Landreth's and Colander's Book
 "History of Economic Thought"



Chapter 1: Introduction

 

·         Economic thought consists of both a vision and a formal theory. The vision is the broad perception with which individuals look at the world. The theory comprises the specific models that capture the vision. To understand the thought of individual economists, one must understand both their vision and their model.

 

·         Economics is a social science. It examines the problems that societies face because individuals desire to consume more goods and services than are available, creating a condition of relative scarcity.

To meet the problem of scarcity, a social mechanism is required for allocating limited resources among unlimited alternatives. Historically, four mechanisms have been used to deal with the problem of scarcity: Brute force, Tradition, Authority and Market.

Resource allocation mechanisms determine who gets, and who does not get, resources.

 

·         Modern orthodox economic theory consists of a body of knowledge that includes both micro- and macroeconomics.

i.                    Microeconomics considers questions of allocation and distribution whereas Macroeconomics considers questions of stability and growth.

ii.                  Microeconomic theory begins with an analysis of an individual and builds up to an analysis of society whereas macroeconomics begins with an analysis of society as a whole and works downward to the individual.

iii.                The allocation problem (what to produce and how to produce) and the distribution problem (how real income is divided among the members of a society) generally fall under microeconomic theory. Macroeconomics focuses on the stability and growth of an economy, utilizing aggregate variables for the entire economy: the level of income and employment, the general level of prices, and the rate of economic growth.

 

Approach (How economic theory develops)

 

i.                    Relativist and Absolutist Approach

 

-          Relativist historians concern themselves (1) with the historical, economic, sociological, and political forces that brought men and women to examine certain economic questions and (2) with the ways in which these forces shape the content of emerging theory.

-          Absolutist writers (Whigs) stress internal forces, such as the increasing professionalism in economics, to account for the development of economic theory.

-          Prior to the 1950s, the most influential historians of economic theory took a relativist position. Beginning in the 1950s, the absolutist position was forcefully stated.

-          Economic thought as a dynamic process is of interaction between forces external and internal to the discipline that bring about new theoretical developments.

 

ii.                  Orthodox and Heterodox Economists

 

-          Modern orthodox theorists have largely focused on the four problems of allocation, distribution, stability, and growth, whereas heterodox economists have studied the forces that produce changes in the society and economy.

-          the differences between heterodox and orthodox economists are often differences in focus, not diametrically opposed theories. Often what orthodox writers take as given, heterodox writers try to explain; and what heterodox writers take as given, orthodox economists try to explain.

-           orthodox writers have taken as given the specific social, political, and economic institutions and have studied economic behavior in the context of these institutions, whereas heterodox writers have focused on the forces leading to the development of these institutions.

-          heterodox economists generally tend to focus on methodology, since through methodology they can question the legitimacy of the assumptions, scope, and methods that mainstream economists take as given.

-          A problem faced by almost all heterodox groups is that of moving beyond methodology to establish their own analysis and provide a viable competing research program. There is truth in the saying that a theory can be replaced only by another theory.

 

Methodological Issues

 

i.                    Economics as an art and as a science

-          Positive economics concerns the forces that govern economic activity (science of economics).

-          Normative economics explicitly concerns questions of what should be (ethics of economics).

-          The art of economics concerns questions of policy. It relates the science of economics to ethics of economics and asks questions such as: If these are one’s normative goals, and if this is the way the economy works, then how can one best achieve these goals?

-          The methodology of positive economics is formal and abstract; it tries to separate economic forces from political and social forces.

-          The methodology of the art of economics is more complex because it concerns policy and must address interrelationships among politics, social forces, and economic forces.

-          Whether positive economics or the art of economics should be the primary focus of economics has prompted unending debate in the history of economic thought. The German historical school and the English Marshallian school have advocated that primary attention be given to the art of economics. They draw strength in this advocacy from the work of Adam Smith. Modern orthodox economists focus on positive economics and find support for this position in the writings of David Ricardo.

 

ii.                  Empirical Verification

-          Inductive reasoning is empirical, proceeding from sensory perceptions to general concepts;

-          deductive reasoning (logic) applies certain clear and distinct general ideas to particular instances.

-          Abductive” is the name pragmatic philosopher Charles Peirce gave to a particular mix of the inductive and deductive approaches.

 

 

Even though methodology is seldom discussed, ultimately it is methodology that accounts for many of the differences among economists. Formalists are more likely to use a logical positivist or falsificationist methodology and believe in an absolutist approach; non-formalists are more likely to use a sociological or rhetorical approach and believe in a relativist approach.  


 

Part One: Pre-Classical Economics

 

Earlier societies often passed on their writings in the form of religious tomes; thus, one could begin an analysis of economic ideas with these very early texts.

 

A fundamental tenet of modern orthodox theory is that more goods are better than fewer goods, and prevailing patterns of activity in modern societies lend strong confirmation to this tenet. Early religious, Creek, and scholastic thinkers did not begin with this premise, and the questions they raised about economic versus noneconomic goals of the individual and society are eternal.

 

Feudalism: Scholastic Economic Thought

Merchant Capitalism: Mercantilist Theory

Producer Capitalism: Classical Laissez-faire Ideas

 

 

A.    Early Preclassical Period

-          800 BC to 1500

 

B.     Preclassical Era

-          1500 to 1776

Then comes Classical Economics with publication of Wealth of Nations in 1776.

 

Chapter 2: Early Preclassical Economic Thought

Four Subperiods

1.      Early Eastern Economic Thought [Guan Zhong]

2.      Greek Thought [Hesiod, Xenophon, Aristotle]

3.      Arab-Islamic Thought [Al-Ghazali, Ibn Khaldun]

4.      Economic Thought of Scholastics [St. Thomas Aquinas]

 

·         One of the most significant differences between early preclassical and modern orthodox economic thought concerns the mechanism for resource allocation. In a premarket setting, thinkers focused on the use of authority as an allocator of resources.

·         Two important themes emerge from early preclassical doctrine. One concerns the level of inquiry appropriate for analyzing society. These writers believed that it was inappropriate to separate any particular activity—economic, for example—from all other activities. A second theme is the focus on broad philosophical issues, giving particular attention to questions of fairness, justice, and equity. These two themes—the illegitimacy of abstraction and the focus on equity—can also be found within a good deal of heterodox economic writing from the eighteenth century to the present.

·         The majority of early Chinese writings on economics fit Schumpeter’s characterization: they were essentially limited to considerations of public administration within ethical frameworks, rather than strictly “scientific” studies. Guan Zhong’s book Guan Zi, however, stands out as going far beyond the administrative mold. It includes a number of ideas that are central to economic thinking.

 

·         Guan Zhong argued that when a good was abundant, it became light, and its price would fall. When it was “locked away,” it became heavy, and its price would rise. There would be movements of goods into and out of markets based on their lightness and heaviness, with a definite tendency toward one price—equilibrium. Thus the light/heavy theory is a statement of the law of supply and demand. Guan Zhong also used this light/heavy theory to develop a quantity theory of money, asserting that when money was heavy, its price should rise (prices of goods would fall), and when money was light, its price would fall (prices of goods would rise). To stop that fluctuation, he advised that the state should buy goods when money was heavy (thereby holding the price level up) and sell goods when it was light (thereby holding the price level down). This would not only help stabilize the price level, but also make money for the government.

 

·         when it comes to policy, the thoughts reflected in Guan Zi also suggest that economic insights have no direct policy implications independent of institutional structure. Change the institutional structure and one changes the policy implications.

 

·         According to Hesiod, scarcity does not arise from a human condition related to limited resources and unlimited desires; rather, it was one of the evils released when Pandora opened the Box. Hesiod’s economic ideas are presented in Works and Days, in which he initiates a pursuit of economic questions that continued for two centuries. Being a farmer Hesiod was interested in efficiency.

 

·         The word economics, derived from Greek, was used by Xenophon as the title of his book Oeconomicus. As used by the Greeks, however, the term refers to efficient management at the level of the producer and/or the household Xenophon, writing some four hundred years after Hesiod, took the concepts of efficient management much farther than Hesiod and applied them at the level of the household, the producer, the military, and the public administrator. This brought him insights into how efficiency can be improved by practicing a division of labor. Attention to the division of labor was continued by other Greek writers, including Aristotle, and, later, by the scholastics.

 

·         Aristotle is important not only for his contributions to philosophical thinking but for the impact he had on economic ideas during the period of scholasticism. It was to Aristotle’s views that St. Thomas Aquinas and other churchmen reacted in the period 1300 to 1500. Democritus (c. 460-c. 370 BC) had not only argued for a division of labor but also advocated the private ownership of property as an incentive that would lead to greater economic activity.

 

·         Aristotle’s teacher, Plato, had argued that the ruling class of his ideal society, the soldiers and philosophers, should not possess private property but should hold communal property, to avoid conflicts over property that might divert their attention from more important issues. However, Aristotle believed that private property served a useful function in society and that no regulations should be made to limit the amount of property in private hands.

 

·         Aristotle’s main contributions to economic thinking concerned the exchange of commodities and the use of money in this exchange. People’s needs, he said, are moderate, but people’s desires are limitless. Hence the production of commodities to satisfy needs was right and natural, whereas the production of goods in an attempt to satisfy unlimited desires was unnatural. Aristotle conceded that when goods are produced to be sold in a market, it can be difficult to determine if this activity is satisfying needs or inordinate desires; but he assumed that if a market exchange is in the form of barter, it is made to satisfy natural needs and no economic gain is intended. Using the medium of money, however, suggests that the objective of the exchange is monetary gain, which Aristotle condemned.

 

·         One of the interesting points Aristotle made is that the problem of scarcity can be addressed by reducing consumption, by changing human attitudes. This is a powerful idea for the various Utopians and socialists who hope to end societal conflicts by eliminating the conflicts that are inherent in scarcity.

 

·         There was no separate formal economic analysis as there is today; rather, the medieval Islamic scholars examined economic issues in the broader context of their religious views. Al-Ghazali (1058-1111) was among the most significant intellectuals of medieval Islam, and his writings are known to have influenced St. Thomas Aquinas.

 

·         His description of the evolution of markets through voluntary exchange is remarkably perceptive for one writing in the eleventh century, as was his insight into how markets link and coordinate economic activities with the evolution of specialization and division of labor.

 

·         Realizing that increasing specialization and division of labor result in economic exchange, al-Ghazali was able to point to the difficulties of barter and the consequent need for a currency to facilitate these exchanges. He also examined a host of other economic topics: public expenditures, taxation, and borrowing; coinage and the debasement of coins; interest and usury; and how best to levy taxes to appropriately spread the tax burden on society.

 

·         Possibly Ibn Khaldun (1332-1406)’s most interesting insight into economic issues arises in his broad, sweeping examination of how his society appeared to have what we would today call a developmental cycle, moving from rural desert-life society with low income, low craft skills, and small economic surplus to a nonnomadic society in which agriculture predominated, with higher labor productivity and incomes, economic surpluses, and population growth. From today’s vantage point, one can see many “economic” topics being examined by Ibn Khaldun: population, profits, supply, demand, price, luxury, aggregate surpluses, and capital formation.

 

·         Scholastic economic doctrine is best understood in the context of its time, extending from before the fall of the Roman Empire to the beginnings of mercantilism in Western Europe. Although the scholastics, in attempting to adapt to the nascent economic changes of their times, produced a somewhat diverse body of economic ideas, they essentially addressed the same core economic issues: the institution of private property and the concepts of just price and usury.

 

·         Early scholastic writers had long struggled to establish that some ownership of private property by laymen was not incompatible with religious teaching. In the thirteenth century, after Aristotle’s writings had been reintroduced into Western Europe, Thomas Aquinas, adapting Aristotelian thought to his own writing, was able to argue convincingly that private property is not contrary to natural law. Although he conceded that under natural law all property is communal, he maintained that the growth of private property was an addition, not a contradiction, to natural law. Aquinas argued that to be naked was in accordance with natural law and that clothing was an addition to natural law and devised for the benefit of man. The same reasoning applied to private property.

 

·         Aquinas and other scholastics were also concerned with another aspect of greater economic activity, the price of goods. Unlike modern economists, they were not trying to analyze the formation of prices in an economy or to understand the role that prices play in the allocation of scarce resources. They focused on the ethical aspect of prices, raising issues of equity and justice. When exchanges take place in the market to meet the needs of the trading parties (using Aristotle’s conception of need), Aquinas concluded, no ethical issues are involved. But when individuals produce for the market in anticipation of gain, they are acting virtuously only if their motives are charitable and their prices are just.

 

Historians of economic theory differ in their interpretations of the scholastic notion of just price. Some hold that the scholastics, including Aquinas, considered a just price to be an equivalent in terms of labor cost. Others say that it is an equivalent in terms of utility, and still others regard it as an equivalent in terms of total cost of production. Thus, the scholastic concept of just price is seen alternatively as a forerunner of the Ricardian-Marxian labor theory of value, the marginal utility position, and the notion implicit in classical-neoclassical theory that competitive markets yield ideal just prices. Another widely held view regards the scholastic notion of just price as an integral part of the set of social and economic forces that maintained the hierarchy of feudalism.

The lack of economic analysis in scholasticism makes it difficult to judge exactly what

was meant by “just price.

 

·         A corollary to the concept of just price was the scholastic notion of usury. The meaning of the term usury has changed since the time of scholasticism. As used today, it denotes charging an excessive rate of interest, but in scholastic doctrine, it has the biblical and Aristotelian sense of any taking of interest. Scholastic usury doctrine was itself derived largely from the Bible and the writings of Aristotle.

 

The biblical condemnation of usury rose from the danger that the strong would take advantage of the weak. Moreover, Aristotle had argued that the taking of interest on loans was unnatural, since money is barren. The scholastic view gradually moderated from a fairly strict prohibition of interest early in the period to its acceptance—at least for business purposes—later.

 

 

Chapter 3: Mercantilism, Physiocracy, and other Precursors of Classical Economic Thought

 

Mercantilism: 1500 – 1750

Physiocracy: 1750 – 1780

 

Mercantilism

 

·         Mercantilism is the name given to the economic literature and practice of the period between 1500 and 1750.

·         The mercantilistic literature from 1650 to 1750 was of distinctly higher quality which was characterized by an increase in economic activity

·         The economic theory of mercantilism was the work of merchant businessmen. The literature they produced focused on questions of economic policy and was usually related to a particular interest the merchant-writer was trying to promote. Furthermore, each writer tended to concentrate on one topic, and no single writer was able to synthesize these contributions impressively enough to influence the subsequent development of economic theory.

·         Mercantilism can best be understood as an intellectual reaction to the problems of the times. In this period of the decline of the manor and the rise of the nation-state, the mercantilists tried to determine the best policies for promoting the power and wealth of the nation.

·         The mercantilists proceeded on the assumption that the total wealth of the world was fixed. Using the same assumption, the scholastics had reasoned that when trade took place between individuals, the gain of one was necessarily the loss of another. The mercantilists applied this reasoning to trade between nations, concluding that any increase in the wealth and economic power of one nation occurred at the expense of other nations. Thus, the mercantilists emphasized international trade as a means of increasing the wealth and power of a nation and, in particular, focused on the balance of trade between nations.

·         The goal of economic activity, according to most mercantilists, was production—not consumption, as classical economics would later have it. Although the mercantilists laid great stress on production, a plentiful supply of goods within a country was considered undesirable. High levels of production along with low domestic consumption would permit increased exports, which would increase the nation’s wealth and power.

·         According to mercantilistic thinking, a country should encourage exports and discourage imports by means of tariffs, quotas, subsidies, taxes, and the like, in order to achieve a so-called favorable balance of trade. Many early mercantilists, who defined the wealth of a nation not in terms of the nation’s production or consumption of goods but in terms of its holdings of precious metals, argued for a favorable balance of trade because it would lead to a flow of precious metals into the domestic economy to settle the trade balance.

·         The first mercantilists argued that a favorable balance of trade should be struck with each nation. A number of subsequent writers, however, argued that only the overall balance of trade with all nations was significant.

·         A related issue concerned the export of precious metals or bullion. The early mercantilists recommended that the export of bullion be strictly prohibited. Later writers suggested that exporting bullion might lead to an improvement in overall trade balances if the bullion were used to purchase raw materials for export goods.

·         A central feature of mercantilist literature is its conviction that monetary factors, rather than real factors, are the chief determinants of economic activity and growth. Mercantilists maintained that an adequate supply of money is particularly essential to the growth of trade, both domestic and international. Changes in the quantity of money, they believed, generate changes in the level of real output—in yards of cloth and bushels of grain.

 

All this would change with the advent of Adam Smith and classical economics, which

would contend that the level of economic activity and its rate of growth depend upon

a number of real factors: the quantity of labor, natural resources, capital goods, and the

institutional structure. Any changes in the quantity of money, classical economists averred, would influence the level of neither output nor growth, but only the general level of prices. Adam Smith devoted nearly two hundred pages of Wealth of Nations to a harsh and only partly justifiable criticism of mercantilistic theory and practice, particularly its equating of the wealth of a nation with the stock of precious metals internally held.

·         Because Smith and other classical economists stressed the real forces that determine the level of output, their theories focused almost exclusively on supply. However, because Keynes emphasized the role of aggregate demand, he found some common bonds between his theory and that of the mercantilists. He was sympathetic to their under consumptionist views and declared sound their belief that increases in the quantity of money would increase output. The mercantilists, Keynes said, held that a favorable balance of trade would increase domestic spending and thereby raise the level of income and employment.

·         Many mercantilists saw a highly mechanical causality in the economy and believed that if one understood the rules of this causality, one could control the economy. It followed that legislation, if wisely enacted, could positively influence the course of economic events and that economic analysis would indicate what forms of government intervention would affect a given end.

·         The mercantilists believed there was a basic conflict between private interests and the public welfare. Therefore, they considered it necessary for government to channel private self-interest into public benefits. Classical economists, on the other hand, found a basic harmony in the system and saw public good as flowing naturally from individual self-interest.

Thomas Mun

·         He believed that government should regulate foreign trade to achieve a favorable balance, encourage importation of cheap raw materials, encourage exportation of manufactured goods, enact protective tariffs on imported manufactured goods, and take other measures to increase population and keep wages low and competitive.

William Petty

·         Petty apparently was the first to explicitly advocate the use of what we would call statistical techniques to measure social phenomena. He tried to measure population, national income, exports, imports, and the capital stock of a nation. His methods were crude almost beyond belief, leading Adam Smith to indicate that he had little use for political arithmetic.

Bernard Mandeville

·         Mandeville argued that selfishness was a moral vice but that social good could result from selfish acts if these actions were properly channeled by the government. To Mandeville, the end result of private virtue is economic depression.

·         The mercantilist view toward labor is in sharp contrast to that of the classicals; Mandeville’s position on labor is particularly clear and, from a modern view, alarming. Because the goal of society is production—not consumption, as advocated by the classicals—Mandeville advocated a large population and child labor, and he condemned idleness. A large population with high labor-force-participation rates results in low wages, which gives the nation a competitive advantage in exports and international trade. Low wages also ensure an adequate supply of labor, for Mandeville saw a downward-sloping labor supply curve. Higher wages reduce labor supply, in Mandeville’s view.

David Hume

·         Hume was a close personal friend of Adam Smith; their joint intellectual output is awesome in terms of its impact on following generations. Like many of his contemporaries, Hume could be called a liberal mercantilist; he had one foot in mercantilism, but with the other stepped forward into classical political economy.

·         Hume took the insights of John Locke, who saw that the level of economic activity in an economy depends on the quantity of money and its velocity, and presented a reasonably complete description of the interrelationships among a country’s balance of trade, the quantity of money, and the general level of prices. In international trade theory Hume’s contribution has become known as the price specie-flow mechanism. Hume pointed out that it would be impossible for an economy to maintain a favorable balance of trade continuously, as many mercantilists advocated. A favorable balance of trade would lead to an increase in the quantity of gold and silver (specie) within an economy. An increase in the quantity of money would lead to a rise in the level of prices in the economy with the favorable balance of trade. If one country has a favorable balance of trade, some other country or countries must be having an unfavorable balance, with a loss of gold or silver and a subsequent fall in the general level of prices. Exports will decrease and imports will increase for the economy with the initial favorable trade balance because its prices are relatively higher than those of other economies. The opposite tendencies will prevail in an economy with an initial unfavorable balance. This process will ultimately lead to a self-correction of the trade balances.

·         The mercantilists had argued that changes in the money supply could increase real output. The classicals maintained that real output depended not on the quantity of money but on real forces: labor supply, natural resources, capital goods, and the institutional structure. Changes in the money supply would change only the general level of prices. Hume believed that although the absolute level of money in a nation would not influence real output, a gradual increase in the money supply would lead to an increase in output.

·         Hume maintained that the growth of economic freedom went hand in hand with the growth of political freedom.

Richard Cantillon

·         In 1881 William Stanley Jevons rediscovered Cantillon’s book and heaped praise on it, describing it as “the first systematic treatment in political economy” and “the cradle of political economy.”

·         Cantillon was part mercantilist (mostly in his views on foreign trade), part physiocrat (in his emphasis on the primary role of agriculture in the economy), and part physiocrat- classical (in his vision of the interrelatedness of the various sectors of the economy).

·         Cantillon himself acknowledged the influence of John Locke, for his theory of money, and William Petty, for his emphasis on the importance of measuring economic phenomena. Unlike Petty, who produced works of a practical nature exploring various topics in economics, Cantillon was modern in that (1) he started with the goal of establishing basic principles of economics through the process of reasoning, and, more important, (2) he wanted to collect data to use in the process of verifying his principles. Unfortunately, his statistical work is lost.

·         Cantillon’s seminal vision, which was to a lesser extent possessed by some of the physiocrats and liberal mercantilists, was of a market system that coordinated the activities of producers and consumers through the medium of individual self-interest. The key actors in this self-regulating system were entrepreneurs, who, in their pursuit of profit, produced social results superior to ones that could be produced by government interference. Given competitive markets in which entrepreneurs pursue customers in final goods markets and compete with one another in factor markets, Cantillon was able to point to the adjustment processes as demands, costs, technology, and other factors change. He did not make the plea for laissez faire with the force of Smith, however, which may account for his neglected recognition.

·         His explanation of the forces that determine prices was surprisingly modern in that he distinguished between market prices, determined by short-run factors, and what he called intrinsic value, long-run equilibrium prices. He was able to apply his analysis of prices and markets to international trade and view the adjustment processes that take place there.

·         He divided the economy into sectors and analyzed the flow of income between them; although he did not explicitly formulate an economic table to represent these flows, he clearly influenced Quesnay, who did.

·         It is possible that had Cantillon not been murdered by a servant he had fired, he, not Smith, would be known as the father of modern economics.

 

Physiocracy

 

·         Although mercantilism was much in evidence in eighteenth-century France, a new but short-lived movement called physiocracy began there around 1750.

·         Physiocracy had an acknowledged intellectual leader, Frangois Quesnay (1694-1774), whose ideas were accepted virtually without question by his fellow physiocrats. Their own writings were mainly designed to convince others of the merit of Quesnay’s economics.

·         Adam Smith was influenced during his travel in France by a group of French writers who have become known as the physiocrats. They perceived the interrelatedness of the sectors of the economy and analyzed the working of nonregulated markets.

·         The physiocrats’ unique idea concerned the role of natural law in the formulation of policy. They maintained that natural laws governed the operation of the economy and that, although these laws were independent of human will, humans could objectively discover them—as they could the laws of the natural sciences.

·         The mercantilists and the scholastics perceived a fundamental conflict in the economy, viewing exchange as a process in which one party gains at the expense of another. Therefore, both advocated intervention in the economy by either government or church. The physiocrats, on the other hand, perceived the working-out of the conflicts inherent in relative scarcity as basically harmonious. They called not for intervention in the economy but for laissez faire, and thus were an important influence on Adam Smith and the subsequent development of economic policy.

·         The physiocrats focused not on money but on the real forces leading to economic development. In reaction to the mercantilistic notion that wealth was created by the process of exchange, they studied the creation of physical value and concluded that the origin of wealth was in agriculture, or nature.

·         In the economy of their time, more goods were produced than were needed to pay the real costs to society of producing those goods. Therefore, a surplus was generated. Their search for the origin and size of this surplus led them to the idea of the net product. The agricultural production process provides a good example of a net product. After the various factors of production—seed, labor, machinery, and the like—are paid for, the annual harvest provides an excess. The physiocrats regarded this as resulting from the productivity of nature. Labor, according to them, could produce only enough goods to pay the costs of labor, and the same held true for the other factors of production, with the exception of land. Therefore, production from land created the surplus that the physiocrats called the net product. Manufacturing and other nonagricultural economic activities were considered “sterile,” because they created no net product. The belief that only agricultural production was capable of returning to society an output greater than the social costs of that output may seem quaint today, but it may be explained by the fact that the physiocrats focused on physical productivity rather than value productivity. Also, because large-scale industry had not yet developed in France in the middle of the eighteenth century, the productivity of industry was not apparent in the economy of the physiocrats. The small employer with only a few employees did not seem to be making any surplus, and his standard of living was not significantly different from that of his employees. Having established that the origin of the net product was in land, the physiocrats concluded that land rent was the measure of the society’s net product.

·         They believed that the basic motivation for the economic activities of human beings was the desire to maximize gain. Prices were formed in the market by economic activity; and the formation of these prices could be studied, because it was governed by natural laws independent of human will. Although the physiocrats did not develop a coherent theory of prices, they concluded that free competition led to the best price and that society would benefit if individuals followed their self-interest. Like the more perceptive mercantilists, they recognized that an individual who appears to be working independently in a market economy is actually working for others and that these independent activities are integrated by the price system.

·         Because the physiocrats believed that a natural order existed that was superior to any possible human design, they conceived of the economy as largely self-regulating and thus rejected the controls imposed by the mercantilist system. The proper role of government was to follow a policy of laissez faire—to leave things alone.

 

Part Two: Classical Economic Thought and Its Critics

 

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